Showing posts with label Baseline Scenario. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Baseline Scenario. Show all posts

Sunday, October 29, 2017

Visualizing $63 Trillion Of World Debt

If you add up all the money that national governments have borrowed, it tallies to a hefty $63 trillion.


 



Courtesy of: Visual Capitalist


In an ideal situation, governments are just borrowing this money to cover short-term budget deficits or to finance mission critical projects. However, as Visual Capitalist"s Jeff Desjardins notes, around the globe, countries have taken to the idea of running constant deficits as the normal course of business, and too much accumulation of debt is not healthy for countries or the global economy as a whole.


The U.S. is a prime example of “debt creep” – the country hasn’t posted an annual budget surplus since 2001, when the federal debt was only $6.9 trillion (54% of GDP). Fast forward to today, and the debt has ballooned to roughly $20 trillion (107% of GDP), which is equal to 31.8% of the world’s sovereign debt nominally.


THE WORLD DEBT LEADERBOARD


In today’s infographic, we look at two major measures: (1) Share of global debt as a percentage, and (2) Debt-to-GDP.


Let’s look at the top five “leaders” in each category, starting with share of global debt on a nominal basis:



Together, just these five countries together hold 66% of the world’s debt in nominal terms – good for a total of $41.6 trillion.


Next, here’s the top five for Debt-to-GDP:



While only Italy and Japan here are considered major economies on a global scale, the high debt levels of countries like Greece or Portugal are also important to monitor.


In the IMF’s baseline scenario, Greece’s government debt will reach 275% of its GDP by 2060, when its financing needs will represent 62% of GDP.


 


- A recent IMF report, obtained by Bloomberg



Greece, for example, is continuing along a particularly unsustainable path – and external creditors are getting stingier. Most recently, both the IMF and Greece’s euro-area creditors have demanded for the country to implement a law that automatically introduces austerity measures if a budget surplus of 3.5% of GDP isn’t hit.


While Greece has dismissed such demands as “unacceptable”, the country – along with many others around the globe – will have to accept that constant debt accumulation has eventual consequences.


*  *  *


To get “$63 Trillion of World Debt” in printed form, go to the Kickstarter page now. Deadline: Oct. 31, 2017









Thursday, April 6, 2017

NY Fed Disagrees With Minutes: Does Not Expect Balance Sheet Renormalization Until Mid-2018

With the question of the Fed"s portfolio normalization now all the rage, accentuated by yesterday"s FOMC Minutes announcement that runoff could start later this year - even as many traders admit nobody has any idea what will happen if and when the Fed starts reducing its holdings, mostly of MBS - on Thursday the NY Fed, the Fed"s trading desk, provided a glimpse into its thinking on how this will play out in its latest Domestic Market Operations annual report.


According to the report, the Fed"s bond holdings could drop to about $2.8 trillion by the end of 2021 - a $1.7 trillion reduction over the next 5 years - with the New York Fed now projecting its balance sheet will reach a "normalized" state some two quarter earlier however with approximately $600 billion more assets than in a year-ago estimate. The U.S. central bank currently has some $4.5 trillion in Treasury and mortgage bonds.


To be sure, many things can and will happen between now and 2021, including the US may have a new president.


Which is why what we found more interesting was the NY Fed"s own forecast on the start of renormalization, which disagreed with the FOMC Minutes, in that Bill Dudley"s Fed does not expect the Fed to start "renormalizing" until mid-2018, to wit: "the size of the SOMA portfolio is projected to remain largely unchanged at its current level of approximately $4.2 trillion through mid-2018, while full reinvestments continue."


What happens to the balance sheet then:





After that date, it starts to decline as reinvestments are phased out and then ended altogether in mid-2019. The Federal Reserve’s securities holdings then decline until the portfolio reaches its normalized size in the fourth quarter of 2021 (Chart 26). At that time, the domestic securities portfolio is estimated to be about $2.8 trillion, with a slightly higher concentration in Treasury securities than in agency MBS. Thereafter, Treasury-driven growth of securities holdings supports trend balance sheet growth, and agency debt and agency MBS holdings continue to run off.




The NY Fed on suspension of reinvestments vs outright selling:





Once the FOMC ends reinvestments, the pace of the reduction in the size of the SOMA portfolio will largely be driven by the pace of principal receipts from SOMA securities holdings (Chart 27). The timing of principal payments from maturing Treasury securities and agency debt securities is a known function of current SOMA holdings. In contrast, projected principal pay-downs associated with agency MBS are model-based estimates that are subject to considerable uncertainty because of the embedded prepayment option. The actual pay-down path will depend on a variety of factors, including the path of interest rates, changes in housing prices, credit conditions, and other government policy initiatives.




Finally, how the latest forecast differs from last years:





The point of normalization in late 2021 is projected to occur almost two quarters earlier than in the 2015 baseline (Chart 28). The balance sheet starts to contract just over a year later than it was expected to in the 2015 baseline given a longer-than-previously anticipated period for reinvestments to continue. (The December 2015 baseline was modeled on an assumption that reinvestments would begin to be phased out in the first half of 2017.) However, a larger long-run balance sheet size in the current baseline, driven by the assumption about a higher level of reserve balance liabilities in a future policy implementation framework, requires less of the portfolio to run off once such a contraction starts.



And some parting words:





Of course, banks’ demand for reserves and the level of reserves the FOMC will choose to maintain in its long-run policy implementation framework remain uncertain. A set of alternative scenarios highlights  the sensitivity of SOMA portfolio balances to different long-run levels of Federal Reserve liabilities. These scenarios illustrate the degree to which increases (decreases) in liabilities imply a larger (smaller)  level of the SOMA in the long run and how long it might take to achieve a normalized portfolio size. While the projections are modeled with regard to alternative levels of reserve balances, the specific type  of liability is not material; the effect on SOMA portfolio balances would be similar if the alternative levels of liabilities arose from changes in other line items, such as Federal Reserve notes, the TGA, the  foreign repo pool, or DFMU balances.



Under a scenario in which reserve balances are $100 billion in the long run (the baseline in prior years’ reports), the size of the balance sheet is normalized in the fourth quarter of 2022, approximately one  year later than in the baseline scenario (Chart 29). In contrast, under a scenario in which reserves are $1 trillion in the long run, the size of the balance sheet is normalized in the fourth quarter of 2020,  nearly one year sooner than in the baseline. Given that Treasury purchases resume at an earlier date, by the end of the forecast horizon the portfolio is more heavily weighted to Treasury securities than it is  in the baseline scenario.



In other words, if all goes according to plan, the Fed will consider its "renormalization" mission complete in about 5 years, at which point it will have no qualms about launching even more QE if it has to.


Source

Tuesday, February 21, 2017

People Are Suddenly Worried About China (Again)

Considering that in the past 3 months the only daily topic of relevance for the media has been "Donald Trump" both in the US and abroad, one would assume that when it comes to global policy uncertainty the primary source would be, record S&P 500 paradoxically notwithstanding, the United States. One would also be wrong, because while Trump seemingly remains the only topic worthy of discussion blanketing the airwaves, as the following chart from Goldman demonstrates, it has been China where policy uncertainty has stealthily exploded in the past three months according to policyuncertainty.com, while making virtually no new headlines.



But how is it possible that China, which is seemingly far more "concerning" at this moment than it was a year ago when fears about Chinese financial conditions and devaluation led to global market selloff and pushed the S&P into correction, has had virtually no impact on risk assets so far in 2017: clearly either the chart above, or the market, is wrong.


Conveneintly it is the same Goldman which has published an exhaustive report laying out the key risks to China"s growth, many of which have been discounted by the market which erroneously assumes that just because the world went though a China "scare" period one year ago, that the world"s second biggest economy remains contained. Far from it.


For those pressed for time, below is the summary of Goldman"s "Risks To China"s growth In The Year of the rooster" report, from the team of MK Tan:


  • After meeting the 2016 growth target, Chinese policymakers are focused on stability ahead of the upcoming leadership reshuffling. This relative calm–we expect only a modest deceleration in growth in the Year of the Rooster—is coming at the cost of further increases in credit and other imbalances. Meanwhile, markets have tempered their acute bearishness on the Chinese economy and are focused on policy and politics in the US and Europe. Still, with growth arguably above potential and Chinese policy tightening, we think a review of China-related risks is timely. We separate risks into those emanating from the Chinese economy itself, and adverse shocks from abroad.

  • Domestically, our concerns center on the ongoing credit boom and the calibration of policy tightening. A fading "credit impulse" to growth seems likely, with cyclical sectors like housing apt to slow this year—even if low reliance on foreign funding and strong government influence on bank lending and bond purchases reduce the risk of an acute credit crunch. As for policy tightening, policymakers have tried to balance growth targets with financial stability, but inflation could become a new constraint as potential growth declines.

  • The biggest risks for China from abroad are an accelerated pace of Fed tightening and/or US protectionism. As for the former, with two Fed hikes already priced in for 2017, it would probably take a shift into more hawkish territory than our own forecast (three hikes) to cause a major shock. As for the latter, the most disruptive measures would be a large across-the-board tariff on China or the “border-adjusted cash flow tax” under consideration by the House of Representatives. Either could impose a meaningful hit to Chinese exports and growth, as well as exacerbating capital outflow and financial stability risks.

  • If one or more of these risks materializes, a Chinese slowdown would be transmitted to other countries through three main channels: slowing goods imports from the rest of the world, falling commodity prices, and tighter financial conditions (most likely via a stronger USD and weaker equity prices). Open Asian economies, particularly those with commodity exposure and/or dollar indebtedness, remain the most vulnerable to a “hard landing” in China.

* * *


Those interested in the details behind the report are encouraged to read on for the key select excerpts:


Introduction


A year ago, markets were abuzz over the possibility of a financial calamity in China and/or a “big deval” in the currency. Market pricing implied the likelihood of substantial equity price moves and CNY depreciation (Exhibit 1). Fears of a China crisis reverberated through global markets, tightening financial conditions around the world and pushing the US Federal Reserve to postpone its plans for further rate hikes.


Exhbit 1: China’s equity and currency markets were both under stress a year ago



Chinese policymakers wrestled with challenges throughout 2016, but large and sustained policy stimulus eventually fostered recovery. Fiscal and regulatory easing, alongside continued rapid credit growth, underpinned strong growth in infrastructure spending and a rebound in cyclical sectors like property and motor vehicles. Real GDP growth came in on target (6.7% versus a 6.5%-7.0% target range), and alternative measures of activity also improved (Exhibit 2). Our China Current Activity Indicator bottomed out at 4.3% (see dark line in Exhibit 2; this is measured on a three-month, three-month annualized basis) in early 2015, recovered to the mid-5% range last year, and is now running at 6.9%. Heavy industry, as proxied by our physical output measure (gray line in Exhibit 2), has seen an even more pronounced reacceleration.


Exhibit 2: After a tough 2015, our measures of Chinese growth accelerated in 2016


Now, while forecasters still expect a little slowing in growth and some further depreciation in the renminbi, the focus is much more on policy in the US and Europe. In the US, President Trump’s tweets have spawned a cottage industry of interpreters vying to understand where policy may head in the coming year. Across the Atlantic, the road map for “Brexit” as well as continued uncertainty about politics in the rest of the Eurozone occupies many market participants. While we subscribe to the view that Chinese policymakers will manage through the year with reasonably high growth, it is still prudent to review the risks ahead.


After the roller coaster of the past year, most observers expect Chinese policymakers to make significant efforts to keep growth stable this year and try to reduce volatility in financial markets. Indeed, commentary following December’s Central Economic Work Conference suggested that “controlling financial risks” may even take precedence over the growth target—a sensible ordering of priorities, in our view. Still, even if the Communist Party of China (CPC)"s long-term commitment to double income in this decade—as promulgated by the previous administration and reiterated last year by many senior officials—is pushed out by a year or two, it continues to carry some weight. We therefore expect the growth target to be near 6.5% for 2017, and policymakers to accept only limited flexibility around this target (sub-6% GDP growth is unlikely to be acceptable). A special motivation for minimizing market and economic "noise" in 2017 is the upcoming 19th Party Congress and associated leadership reshuffling, which will involve the majority of members in the Politburo and Standing Committee of the CPC. 


Global financial markets seem to have bought into the notion that China-related risks will be managed, shrugging off China’s significant bond and FX market volatility in recent months. Substantial capital outflows and CNY depreciation against the USD continued in late 2016 but have not (yet) resulted in substantial tightening in global financial conditions, unlike last year (Exhibit 3).


Exhibit 3: Less spillover from China to US financial conditions recently


The aforementioned improvement in growth, alongside clearer messages from policymakers (publicly rejecting a large devaluation and holding the trade-weighted renminbi stable since mid-2016) and friendlier global conditions (a more dovish Fed in particular) have all helped.


What could bring China fears to the fore again, and cause the markets to change their assessment?


We explore some possible paths to a “hard landing” in China. (For the purposes of this discussion we define a “hard landing” as a drop of at least 4pp in our China Current Activity Indicator within one year—on this basis we’ve had a few near misses in the last few years, most recently in early 2015, but no hard landing. From the current growth pace, this would imply a drop in CAI to the mid-2% range or below.) We divide our review into external shocks and then domestic vulnerabilities, although clearly the two interact with each other. We emphasize these risks are not part of our baseline scenario for China in 2017, though they are more than mere "tail risks".


Domestic vulnerabilities—credit and policy miscalibration


We see two principal risks domestically. The first is an abrupt end to China’s credit boom.


A widespread perception of a "policy put", implicit guarantees to state enterprises and governments at all levels, and generally strong growth have underpinned the stability of the financial system. They have also encouraged rapid growth in leverage, including a reacceleration in 2015-16 (Exhibit 4).[5] China’s post-GFC credit boom has taken debt levels well beyond those of EM peers (Exhibit 5).


Exhibit 4: Credit growth has reaccelerated since 2015 and is well in excess of nominal GDP growth


Exhibit 5: China’s debt level well above EM peers 


Sustained debt booms typically lead to slower growth, greater financial volatility, and heightened risk of a financial crisis. Looking at more than a century of historical data, we found that a “large domestic debt boom” lasting at least 7 years where the debt-to-GDP ratio increases by over 52pp—China’s easily qualifies—is typically followed by a 2pp slowdown in growth and a heightened risk of financial crisis (Exhibits 6 and 7).


Exhibit 6: Real GDP growth decelerates after debt booms: Real GDP growth relative to average during debt boom period


Exhibit 7: Financial crises common but not inevitable in large-country domestic debt booms


Another way to look at the potential growth consequences is to estimate the negative “credit impulse” if credit growth were to slow to half its current pace. Using our past analysis of the relationship between credit and growth, and assuming a deceleration over one year, this would slow growth by 2-3pp or more (a more gradual deceleration would spread this growth hit over a longer period). 


We have seen credit booms end because of intentional tightening (Japan, where policymakers raised interest rates and imposed credit controls), external shocks (capital outflows in the Asia Financial Crisis), or to some extent collapsing under their own weight (the United States, where rising defaults led to a vicious cycle of tighter credit, falling asset prices, and weaker growth). Similarly, a structural break in China’s credit expansion—a sharp tightening in credit availability—could occur because of a deliberate policy shift or because imbalances have simply grown too large to be sustained (more on both below). Regardless of the trigger, a supply-driven tightening in credit would have highly negative consequences for growth.


Chinese policymakers are trying to avoid this sort of sharp pullback. Perhaps with the US experience in mind, they have been particularly attentive to “shadow banking” risks, recently taking steps to regulate off-balance sheet activities such as wealth management products, and to increase the cost of repo financing that is often used to fund shadow banking activity, even at the cost of prompting a significant bond market selloff in late 2016. In this context, our forecast remains for a "bumpy deceleration" in growth rather than a hard landing, though the longer the credit boom continues, the more difficult it will be to guide the economy to a soft landing.


The second domestic risk is a major policy tightening. This could be intentional or unintentional, although we view the latter as much more plausible. 


Chinese policymakers’ growth goals appear increasingly likely to conflict with supply-side constraints. Historically, the growth target was a “policy put” that was out of the money—a reassurance that growth would not be allowed to drop too far. However, in recent years the target appears to have become a binding constraint on policy. Actual growth is near the target instead of well above it (Exhibit 8), and our estimates suggest potential growth is slightly lower (near or below 6%).


To meet the GDP growth targets, credit growth has boomed, as noted in the previous section, and a key driver of demand for that credit has been a large increase in the broadly-defined fiscal deficit (Exhibit 9). Indeed, a portion of the fiscal expansion has been underwritten by the central bank itself in the form of rising credit to the banking sector (e.g., "pledged supplementary lending" to policy banks such as CDB; see Exhibit 10). 


Attempting to boost growth above its potential rate for a sustained period is likely to lead to rising inflation and/or unsustainable asset price appreciation. We have already seen a large run-up in housing prices, substantial capital outflow pressures, and a sharp turnaround in producer prices (although we would attribute the latter primarily to CNY depreciation and upstream supply-side constraints rather than demand stimulus). As yet, CPI inflation is modest (Exhibit 11), but inflation could eventually force more difficult tradeoffs—and possibly a harsh policy tightening--if growth targets are not tempered further.


With growth in the target range for now, policymakers have begun tightening on a number of fronts to address these risks:


  • Housing restrictions in tier 1 and 2 cities, mostly on the demand side, to address surging home prices.

  • Regulation of "shadow banking" activities such as wealth management products to limit liquidity risks and overall credit growth.

  • Higher and more volatile repo rates to limit shadow credit growth (and perhaps also to discourage outflows and support the currency).

  • Stricter enforcement of controls on capital outflows.

The steps thus far look like “targeted tightening” designed to limit risks without too much damage to economic growth. For policymakers to cut their growth aspirations significantly and tighten very aggressively, other economic challenges such as inflation or capital outflows would have to get much worse, in our view.


Exhibit 8: Policymakers have kept real GDP growth on target...


Exhibit 9: ...but fiscal support has reached unprecedented levels


Exhibit 10: PBOC and banking sector have helped finance stimulus


Exhibit 11: PPI rebounded sharply, but CPI inflation still modest


Even if policymakers do not intend to slow growth sharply, there is always a risk that they do so accidentally. The past few years have featured numerous occasions where policy tightening generated bigger effects (either in financial conditions or the real economy) than expected. Examples include the mid-2013 spike in repo rates (Exhibit 12), volatility in the equity markets around policy interventions (such as the introduction of the “circuit breaker” in early 2016), and of course the ructions in global currency and equity markets around the small renminbi devaluations in August 2015 and early 2016. Late last year, modest tightening by PBOC contributed to a significant backup in the bond market (Exhibit 13). In the real economy, efforts to reform local government finances slowed investment and heavy industry activity in late 2014 and early 2015, prompting a reversal in the spring of 2015 and substantial easing thereafter.


Exhibit 12: Sharp repo spikes in earlier years; moderate increase in volatility recently


Exhibit 13: Recent bond market backup ended a three-year rally


The biggest vulnerabilities to unintended tightening are probably in the less formal areas of off-balance sheet spending (on the fiscal side) and non-bank credit extension (on the monetary side). On-budget fiscal policy is relatively transparent and controllable, but how local governments will respond to changing incentives—including anticorruption efforts, shifts in performance criteria, and changing availability of credit—is harder to predict. Likewise, policymakers have considerable influence on direct lending by large state banks, but less so on other bond market participants or "shadow banking" entities. This is especially true when multiple regulators/policymakers may be acting in a manner that is not completely coordinated. A particularly big challenge is how to unwind the perception of implicit guarantees on the debt of many SOEs and local governments’ financing vehicles without precipitating a credit crunch.


In summary, we see a policy tightening "accident" as a key domestic risk. Credit expansions can buckle under their own weight as leveraged asset prices rise to unsustainable levels and rising defaults prompt a reversal in credit availability. But with policymakers attempting to manage both housing prices and defaults directly, we think the central issue in the year ahead is policy calibration. Policymakers clearly do not want the economy to slow sharply, particularly ahead of the leadership transition later this year. At the same time, they need to address some of the imbalances in the economy to limit future volatility. Getting the balance right is particularly challenging given the leverage already in the system. Warning signs of overtightening could come from a large pullback in fiscal activity (Exhibit 9), a sharper spike in short-term interest rates (Exhibit 12), a widening in credit spreads (Exhibit 13; this might occur for example because of a reassessment of the value of implicit guarantees), or any sign that polices were causing an abrupt seizure in broad credit availability (Exhibit 4).


* * *


Potential shocks from abroad—export slump or hawkish Fed


We see two main potential shocks from abroad that could conceivably cause a “hard landing” in China:


First is a sharp decline in export demand... Despite the rapid growth of domestic demand and services, exports remain an important pillar of China’s economy. In recent years, 15-20% of Chinese value-added was dependent on demand outside the country. Although this proportion has been declining, China remains sensitive both to global growth shocks and to any lurch towards protectionism in developed markets, particularly the US. 


...either because of global growth… The single most important driver of Chinese exports is the pace of domestic demand growth in its trading partners. Our analysis suggests that Chinese real export growth moves slightly more than one-for-one with foreign demand growth,after accounting for exchange rate moves and commodity prices.[18] With an export-to-GDP ratio of slightly over 20%, it would clearly take a very large shock to directly cause a "hard landing" in China. It took the global financial crisis for an external shock to slow growth by 4pp on its own (Exhibit 14). Of course, weaker external demand could have indirect effects on domestic challenges also (e.g., by increasing non-performing loans and credit stresses, or by leading to greater FX outflows). However, weaker external demand isn"t our base-case scenario; on the contrary, global activity has been accelerating and we expect at least a modest improvement in domestic demand growth in developed markets in 2017.


…or increased trade barriers. In the wake of the US election, the more likely risk to export demand comes from protectionist measures on the part of China"s trading partners. China benefited enormously from the reduction in trade barriers following its entry to the World Trade Organization in 2001 (Exhibit 15), and clearly would be adversely impacted from any backsliding in this area.


Exhibit 14: Export shock would need to be GFC-sized to cause hard landing on its own




Exhibit 15: Chinese export shares have leveled off since the GFC



More substantial US actions would include across-the-board tariffs on Chinese imports (Trump advisor Peter Navarro has proposed 45%) or a “border-adjusted tax,” which would effectively be a tariff on imports from all countries. These could potentially have meaningful growth impacts, particularly when second-round effects of retaliatory tariffs are taken into consideration. Still, while our analysis suggests that tariffs in the single or low double-digits will certainly slow growth, our models do not suggest a magnitude approaching our 4pp "hard landing" threshold in most scenarios that we find plausible. This is particularly true in 2017, since we think the new US administration would be unlikely to apply large tariffs to China or implement a border-adjusted tax before lengthy negotiation and debate.


2. Fed tightening. The pace of Fed hikes in 2017 will be an important determinant of external pressures. More rapid Fed hikes would raise interest differentials and likely result in a stronger USD.[23] Chinese policymakers would then face the choice of seeing their own currency appreciate on a trade-weighted basis (and thereby losing competitiveness), or depreciating against the USD (potentially exacerbating capital outflow pressures). A stronger dollar would also be unhelpful for regional growth.[24] We think Fed and dollar pressures are an important risk in 2017 and beyond, though the gap between market pricing of rate hikes (close to two hikes for the year) and our US team"s view of three rate hikes for the year has closed as markets have priced in better growth and inflation outlook post-election.


However, it is important to note there is an automatic stabilizer of sorts. To the extent outflows or the CNY move are viewed by markets as disorderly, or having the potential to become so, we could revisit the experience of August 2015 and January 2016 where US financial conditions tightened (USD strength/equity weakness), causing the Fed to back off and reducing the pressure that created the concern in the first place. US policymakers certainly have no interest in seeing a "hard landing" in China"s economy, and have been responsive to financial conditions.[25] Clearly, however, this process would be damaging to risk assets initially, as it was in August 2015 and early 2016.


Taken together, while external conditions could prove more difficult in some respects in 2017, we do not think that they will be the fundamental triggers of a "hard landing" in China in 2017. Global growth appears healthy at the moment, with our Global Leading Indicator recently marking an 6-year high.[26] And while we expect the Fed to tighten and trade policy to become less friendly to imports from China, we do not think the magnitude of these changes will do much damage to 2017 growth as a whole.


A more challenging external shock would be a combination of a big protectionist move by the United States and a hawkish shift by the Fed (perhaps reacting to the growth and inflationary consequences of tighter US trade policy). This could result in a substantial blow to Chinese growth, perhaps magnified by interactions with China"s domestic imbalances. Still, as the new administration is still making key personnel appointments in trade-related areas, and we expect the Fed to wait until June for its next hike, this is probably a bigger risk for 2018 (or perhaps late 2017) than for most of this year.


* * *


Policy buffers large but eroding


It"s important to point out that Chinese policymakers still have large—though shrinking—policy buffers relevant to both domestic and external shocks.


External policy buffers include:


  1. A solid current account surplus. The current account surplus was $210bn in 2016, or 1.9% of GDP. Unlike many countries in the runup to the Asian Financial Crisis, China is not borrowing from abroad to fund imports.

  2. A strong net international investment position (15.7% of GDP as of Q3 16). As China has run large surpluses for years, it has accumulated a substantial net long position in foreign assets.

  3. Low external debt as a share of GDP. Looking at the liability side, FX debt is large on an absolute basis at ca $1.5trn, but quite modest relative to the scale of China’s economy ($11trn GDP). From a macro perspective, FX liabilities should not be a major constraint on depreciation, though some sectors that have borrowed significantly in dollars (e.g. property developers) are exposed to this risk.

  4. Still-substantial PBOC reserves. Official reserves stand at just under $3 trillion, within the IMF"s recommended range for a fixed currency regime. Even if one assumes some off-balance-sheet FX selling, the amount is still large and our tally of Chinese holdings of US/German/Japanese fixed income and equity assets (presumably an effective lower bound for liquid reserves, as it excludes holdings via financial centers like the UK, as well as holdings of other countries’ securities) is $1.7 trillion based on data as of mid-2016.

On the domestic side, key resources available to policy makers are:


  1. Fiscal deposits. These currently total 5.4% of GDP, although they have come off their recent peak in early 2015.

  2. More generally, a high credit rating and still-substantial “fiscal space” for the central government. The government has recourse to large assets in the form of the SOEs, although to be sure there are also considerable contingent liabilities throughout the economy—for example the debt of local governments and central SOEs. There appears to be still-considerable scope for government-driven infrastructure investment, even if the ROI of such investment is declining in some areas.[28]

  3. Monetary policy space. Interest rates are still well above zero and there is the potential to loosen constraints on the banking sector (e.g. RRR cuts).

As policymakers spend down this "ammunition", the market and economic reactions to shocks could become more volatile.


* * *


Conclusion: Key risks and their transmission


In conclusion, we see the biggest risks in China centering on the country"s rising credit imbalances, with mis-calibration of policy or a sharp external shock as possible triggers of a sharp tightening in credit conditions and "hard landing" in growth. To reiterate, this is not our base case for 2017 (and not yet for 2018 either, for that matter). But it deserves close monitoring, and we will be watching the fiscal stance, credit market conditions, and other metrics—as well as comments by policymakers—to update our assessments of these risks.


Should China"s economy slow significantly, it would clearly have effects throughout the region, transmitted via three key channels:


  1. Trade. Just as China would be affected by a drop in export demand, so other countries in Asia would face a growth hit from a slowdown in China. Small open economies would be particularly hard-hit.[30]

  2. Commodities. A slowdown—to the extent it involved goods-producing and construction activities—would have implications for commodity prices, helping the terms of trade in much of the region but hurting it for commodity producers such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Australia.

  3. Financial conditions. As we observed with renminbi volatility over the past 18 months, financial volatility and growth weakness in China has the potential to tighten global financial conditions, slowing growth and prompting further monetary easing abroad.

Our past work has suggested that the biggest effects of weaker Chinese growth would come in Korea, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia, where most economies would feel the impact through two or all three of these channels.

Tuesday, January 31, 2017

Another Greek WTF Showdown Moment Explained

Submitted by Michael Shedlock via MishTalk.com,


The IMF has once again threatened to pull out of the Troika following a warning that Eurogroup Loan Measures Not Enough for Greek Debt.


Greek debt yields had already been rising and spiked on the news.



Let’s take a look at what’s happening, culminating with an explanation of seemingly preposterous positions from all involved.





In the IMF’s baseline scenario, Greece’s government debt will reach 275 percent of its gross domestic product by 2060, when its financing needs will represent 62 percent of GDP, the report obtained by Bloomberg says. The government estimates public debt around 180 percent of GDP at present.



Europe Responds


The IMF board is set to discuss Greece’s ability to service its debt on Feb. 6. The fund has resisted pressure from countries including Germany and the Netherlands to contribute to the bailout program, seeing it as doomed unless Greece takes further steps to rein in spending or euro-area governments ease the terms of the loans.



Europe’s aid program for Greece is credible and backed by contingency measures to handle unforeseen events, a spokesman for the European Stability Mechanism, an EU agency that provides bailout loans to Greece, said in e-mailed statement Sunday.



IMF Proposals


As in the past, the IMF is proposing that Europe extend grace periods and maturity dates on the loans. The document also calls for further deferral of interest payments and to lock in interest rates.



Greek debt is “highly unsustainable” and “even with the full implementation of policies agreed under the European Stability Mechanism program, public debt and financing needs will become explosive in the long run,” the document says. A “substantial restructuring” of European loans to Greece is required to restore debt sustainability, it says.



The IMF agrees with Greece’s euro-area creditors on one point. Both want Greece to introduce a law triggering austerity measures if the country fails to maintain a budget surplus before interest payments of 3.5 percent of GDP. Greek Finance Minister Euclid Tsakalotos last week rejected that demand as “unacceptable.”



Greek Bond Yields Soar


Reuters reports Greek Bond Yields Soar on Worries about IMF role in Bailout.





Yields on short-dated bonds spiked 300 basis points, on track for their biggest one-day jump since July 2015, while 10-year bond yields rose to their highest in almost three months.



Germany said on Monday it believed the IMF would participate and that it was too early to start thinking about other possible scenarios.



But concerns were heightened after a leaked report that the Fund expects Greek debt to explode to 275 percent of GDP by 2060, analysts said.



“There’s a bit of disquiet regarding the IMF’s role…,” said Orlando Green, European fixed income strategist at Credit Agricole.



“The bottom line is that the IMF wants debt relief for Greece and the EU has taken baby steps towards this, but it is not what the IMF is looking for long-term. When there are divisions between the EU and IMF, that arouses concerns about Greece.”



He was answering a question about a report in the Bild newspaper that said Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble would argue for a Greek exit from the euro zone should the IMF withdraw from the third bailout programme.



Short-dated government bond yields in Greece rose as far as 9.98 percent, their highest level in about seven months.



Five and 10-year Greek bond yields also rose sharply, with 10-year yields climbing 50 bps to around 7.76 percent – their highest since early November.



Perpetual Nonsense


The IMF argues correctly that Greek debt is unsustainable. Previously the IMF correctly argued Greece could not maintain a primary account surplus of 3.5 percent.


Yet the IMF now demands Greece automatically implement rules forcing it to have a primary account surplus of 3.5 percent of GDP as far as the eye can see.


Last week Eurointelligence reported that Greek officials were elated the much-despised IMF might exit the program. Although Greece hates the IMF, the IMF has at least been partially on Greece’s side, arguing for debt reductions.


Were the IMF to actually pull out to happen, Schaeuble wants Greece out of the Eurozone.


Meanwhile, Eurozone officials pretend the program is working when they know full well its not.


WTF Moments


This is one of those WTF moments where statements from Greece, from the IMF, and also the Eurozone make no apparent sense.


Yet, despite the obviously apparent nonsense, it’s possible to piece together what’s happening.


  1. Neither Germany nor the Netherlands is willing to throw Greece the smallest of bones for fear of election consequences. It’s far easier for Eurozone nannycrats to pretend things are running smoothly.

  2. Schaeuble has long wanted Greece out of the Eurozone. But Germany does not want to take the blame. Instead, Schaeuble wants the IMF or Greece to take the blame.

  3. The IMF does not want the blame either, so it takes a preposterous stance that the debt is not sustainable but a 3.5% primary account surplus for as far as the eye can see is sustainable. The IMF takes this view despite having argued many times that 3.5% is not sustainable.

  4. By pretending to now be in favor of 3.5% perpetually, the IMF can argue it is not one-sided to Greece.

  5. Despite the fact the IMF is more on Greece’s side than Germany or the Eurozone nannycrats, Greece hates the IMF so much that its position of not wanting the IMF involved overrides common sense.

  6. As an alternative to point 5, consider the possibility that Greece wants outs of the Eurozone, but none of the politicians want to take the blame. Instead, the politicians want to blame the IMF or Germany and are just itching for the IMF to get the hell out so they could do what they wanted to years ago (exit the eurozone). In this possibility, Greece looks to place the blame elsewhere and is waiting for the right moment.

Troika Blame Game Theory


Points 1-4 are certain. Points 5-6 are pick one. Despite the apparent absurdity of conflicting views and the IMF’s changing stance, blame game theory explains all you need to know. Here is a shorter synopsis.


  1. Greece wants to blame the IMF and Germany

  2. Germany wants to blame Greece and the IMF

  3. The IMF wants to blame Greece and Germany

Tuesday, December 13, 2016

Global Trade War Baked In The Cake: Boeing Faces China's Wrath

Submitted by Michael Shedlock via MishTalk.com,


I have been warning about the increasing likelihood of a serious global trade war for quite some time.


That warning is now my baseline scenario. Unless there is an immediate deescalation of rhetoric and a return to rational thinking, a very destructive global trade war is baked in the cake.


I seek ways that a global trade war does not start, but I come up short.


China is upset because the EU and US Rejected China’s Market Economy Status over alleged steel dumping. In response, Beijing fired counterattack charges at the WTO.





China has launched a legal challenge against the EU and US over their reluctance to treat it as a “market economy” under World Trade Organisation rules.



Beijing is unhappy with a provision that allows trading partners to use a special formula and prices in third countries to calculate punitive tariffs for non-market economies in anti-dumping cases. It is pushing for the provision to expire with Sunday’s 15th anniversary of its WTO membership.



But the EU, US, Japan and other WTO members have resisted the move, prompting China on Monday to take the first step in launching a case with the global trade regulator.



In a statement, China’s commerce ministry said it had requested consultations with both the EU and US and would seek to have a WTO panel rule.



“China has communicated through many channels for the third-country comparison to expire. What’s very regrettable is that EU and US have not acted to allow it to expire. It has had a severe impact on Chinese exports,” it said. “China is protecting its lawful rights and acting appropriately to maintain the WTO rules.”



In the EU, fears of an onslaught of cheap Chinese goods prompted the European Commission to recommend a fundamental shift in how it conducts anti-dumping cases. Under EU rules, Brussels imposed a 21 per cent tariff on the same steel products that were hit with a 266 per cent US tariff in 2015.



In a sign of the commercial stakes, the US on Friday imposed punitive anti-dumping tariffs on Chinese-made washing machines, imports of which into the US were worth more than $1.1bn last year. It also announced the launch of an anti-dumping investigation into plywood imports from China, which were also worth more than $1bn last year.



Those US cases and the fight over Beijing’s market economy status point to the trade battles already being fought with China even as Donald Trump, the incoming president, promises to get tough with Beijing over trade and other issues.



“One of the most important relations we must improve . . . is our relationship with China,” Mr Trump said last week. “China is responsible for almost half of America’s trade deficit [and] they haven’t played by the rules.”



“They have acted like a non-market economy in so many respects with their state-owned companies, with subsidies, with dumping . . . there are more dumping cases brought against China than against all the other countries combined,” said Sandy Levin, the top Democrat on the House ways and means committee.



A US official said it would continue to fight any attempt to grant China market economy status at the WTO, pointing to “serious imbalances in China’s state-directed economy”.



“China has not made the reforms necessary to operate on market principles,” the official said. “The United States is prepared to defend its right at the WTO to protect American workers and firms from the damaging effects of persistent distortions in the Chinese economy.”



Boeing Faces China’s Wrath


china-trump-boeing


Please consider Boeing Faces Prospect of China’s Political Wrath Thanks to Trump.





“China Inc.,” the combined group of airlines and lessors directed or controlled by the government, is Boeing’s largest customer, an analysis of the company’s’ backlog at Dec. 5 shows.



Boeing’s website lists “China” with 292 orders in backlog. Fifty of these appear to by Unidentified orders. LNC arrived at this figure by viewing the Chinese customers in Boeing’s identified list, which amounts to 242 orders. Some believe the number of Unidentifieds attributable to China may be higher.



The data shows just how much Boeing has at risk with the so-far unpredictable foreign trade policy espoused by President-Elect Donald J. Trump.



Will the EU Benefit from a Trump Trade Policies?


After reading the above snips, readers may conclude the EU will benefit from Trump actions.


Banish the thought. Instead consider Iran, Boeing reach agreement on big aircraft order; Trump casts cloud.





Iran and Boeing reached an agreement on the 80-airplane order that includes 50 737 MAX 8s, 15 777-300ERs and 15 777-9s.



The final contract still has unspecified contingencies before it can be booked as firm orders, Boeing said. One of those contingencies is clearly President-Elect Donald Trump, who criticized the larger Iran-US-allies deal of which the Boeing order is a part.


Airbus has 116 orders pending that could also be upended if Trump, upon taking office, vitiates the deal.



The US House of Representatives passed a bill to prevent any US-sourced financing for the Boeing purchases. The Senate hasn’t acted on the bill and President Obama vowed to veto it. The legislation doesn’t kill the Boeing deal, per se–just US-sourced financing, leaving open non-US financing.



But President-Elect Trump said he opposed the Iran nuclear deal, which involves the US and five allies. Trump vowed to cancel the agreement, which would kill the Boeing order. It probably would kill the Airbus order, because of the US content in the Airbus airplanes.



Trump to Blame?


When this blows up, and it will unless cooler heads prevail immediately, Trump will undoubtedly take the blame. But as I have pointed out, Trump is no different than Hillary or Bernie Sanders.


I you disagree, please take my Trade Quiz: Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton – Who Said It?


Close analysis shows that Hillary, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump and even president Obama all have the same trade policies. If you disagree, please explain 266 per cent US tariff on China that Obama placed in 2015.


Dangerous Game


Earlier today I noted China Tells Trump “Nothing to Discuss” If US Drops “One China” Policy.


At best, Trump is playing a dangerous game. No one ever wins trade wars.


The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act at the start of the Great depression is the classic example.





Retaliation


Threats of retaliation by other countries began long before the bill was enacted into law in June 1930. As it passed the House of Representatives in May 1929, boycotts broke out and foreign governments moved to increase rates against American products, even though rates could be increased or decreased by the Senate or by the conference committee. By September 1929, Hoover’s administration had received protest notes from 23 trading partners, but threats of retaliatory actions were ignored.



In May 1930, Canada, the country’s most loyal trading partner, retaliated by imposing new tariffs on 16 products that accounted altogether for around 30% of U.S. exports to Canada.[18] Canada later also forged closer economic links with the British Empire via the British Empire Economic Conference of 1932. France and Britain protested and developed new trade partners. Germany developed a system of autarky.



In 1932, with the depression only having worsened for workers and farmers despite Smoot and Hawley’s promises of prosperity from a high tariff, the two lost their seats in the elections that year.



For or Against Free Trade?


The above discussion ought to settle the hash once and for all, but economic illiteracy prevails.


Jared Bernstein, a senior fellow at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, was the economic adviser to Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. from 2009 to 2011, has this March 14, 2016 Op-Ed in the New York Times: The Era of Free Trade Might Be Over. That’s a Good Thing.


In Defense of Free Trade


Sam Seitz, presents a nice case for free trade in his article In Defense of Free Trade.





I want to address NAFTA because it’s the bogeyman of the Left and according to Trump “a bad deal.” NAFTA was actually a very successful free trade agreement. When it was implemented, the number of American jobs increased. Of course, some low-skilled labor was displaced, but because NAFTA increased the size of the overall economy, it actually increased the demand for labor and boosted employment in the U.S.



Finally, I want to talk about trade surpluses/deficits because they are a common argument used by opponents of free trade. A trade surplus is just the total value of exports minus the total value of imports. However, it doesn’t mean that much. For example, the United States maintained a trade surplus throughout the entire Great Depression, yet it clearly didn’t make life easier or the economy stronger. Conversely, the U.S. has a significant trade deficit now, yet it has the largest, most dynamic economy of any country on the planet. What matters is not the total amount of net-trade income, it’s the amount of goods and services American citizens can access. To quote Thomas Sowell, “If the goods and services available to the American people are greater as a result of international trade, then Americans are wealthier, not poorer, regardless of whether there is  a ‘deficit’ or a ‘surplus’ in the international balance of trade.” It’s also important to realize that even though Americans don’t produce as much as the Chinese, we invent pretty much everything that other countries produce. So, while iPhones are built in China, the profits flow back to an American company that pays taxes to the American government and employs American computer scientists and engineers. Instead of focusing only on where the end product is produced, it is crucial to also account for the non-tangible elements of production: the innovation, R&D, and investment. It is easy to pretend that the U.S. is weakened because of the trade deficit, <atarget=”_blank” href=”http://www.slate.com/articles/business/the_edgy_optimist/2014/03/u_s_china_trade_deficit_it_s_not_what_you_think_it_is.html”>but if one actually accurately accounts for the value of American innovation, it becomes clear that the U.S. possesses a trade surplus with China. Just don’t tell Trump or Sanders.



The Question of “Fair Trade”


The best case I have seen for free trade comes from Ana Eiras, Senior Policy Analyst on International Economics, Center for Trade and Economics (CTE).


Eiras explains Why America Needs to Support Free Trade.


Eiras provides five well thought out positions why free trade is good. More importantly she puts a knife in the ridiculous discussion about “fair trade”. Let’s pick up the discussion from that point.





The Question of “Fair Trade”


Politicians, opinion makers, journalists, and businessmen commonly talk about the need to support “fair trade.” Seldom, however, does anyone explain either what fair trade is or–even more to the point–to whom trade should be fair. In the name of fairness, different groups advocate different protections for their specific industries and call the comparative advantage of other countries “unfair.”



For example, U.S. manufacturers think it is unfair that labor in China is cheaper than labor in the United States, and therefore ask for tariffs against Chinese products. But those tariffs would, in reality, be unfair to millions of U.S. consumers and producers who would be forced to pay higher prices for locally manufactured goods. “Fairness” assumes a dubious character in policies that pick and choose whom to treat “fairly.”



Others argue that America needs to enact barriers to free trade in order to strengthen national defense. For example, a tariff to protect steel would be justified because we need our own steel to support the construction of tanks, missiles, and arms. This argument is built on the faulty assumption that America’s wealth is at least constant. But a constant level may imply that the U.S. is falling behind other nations in relative terms. The strongest national defense depends on a relatively strong economy, and a strong economy is possible only with economic freedom.



Once economic barriers begin to emerge, a nation’s wealth begins to decline. America’s relative economic freedom and wealth have already begun to decline. In fact, according to the Index, the United States has lost considerable ground in economic freedom (declining from 4th freest economy to 10th freest in 2004), which means it has also lost more and more opportunities to increase wealth.



The only form of fair trade–if such thing exists–is free trade. When facing competition from Chinese manufacturing, U.S. manufacturers have two options: either adopt new technologies to cut costs and become more competitive or shift the focus of their operations to different areas in which they can be more competitive. Neither of these two options harms consumers, since they will continue to have access to the least expensive, best-quality products.



Most workers benefit as well. For some people, free trade requires change, but they also now have opportunities to use their skills in more efficient, advantageous, and productive ways that are created by the innovation and prosperity that competition promotes. Likewise, for a strong national defense, America needs the resources, innovation, and income that are derived from the absence of barriers to trade and investment.



Consumers Key to Debate


Consumers are key to this debate. If it’s good for consumers, it’s good for the economy, and by default it is good for trade.


I encourage everyone to read the rest of Eiras’ excellent article.


Fair Trade Fantasy


“Fair trade” is nothing but a misguided fantasy from producers who cannot compete in the real world.


It makes no economic sense for US citizens to pay double or triple for underwear, TVs, phones or anything else to “save American jobs”.


The amazing irony in this debate is no jobs will be saved anyway!


NAFTA did not cause a loss of manufacturing jobs, productivity and robots did. No matter what Trump or anyone else promises, those jobs are not coming back.


Sure, the US has misguided tax policy that encourages foreign production. But that is a separate issue. At least Trump is correct on that score. Lowering corporate taxes is the right thing to do.


Tariffs are precisely the wrong thing to do. I fear we are going to find that out again, while the parrots all chant “Fair Trade, Not Free Trade”.


Related Articles


  1. Reflections and Reader Comments on Free Trade: “China Doesn’t Play Fair!”

  2. Fair Trade is Unfair; In Praise of Cheap Labor; Are Bad Jobs at Bad Wages Better than No Jobs at All?

  3. Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership Fiasco vs. Mish’s Proposed Free Trade Alternative; How Will TPP Function in Practice?

  4. Stacked Deck: US Bullies WTO, TPP Revisited

  5. Legacy Skills and Capital; Sugar and Steel; Turning TPP to TP

Trade is not between nations. Trade is between individuals who make constant decisions about what and when to buy.


Tariffs distort that relationship, and only the weak produces benefit. Everyone else loses.


Consumers benefits are what’s important in trade.


No one wins trade wars. As as side note, and I as often pointed out, the Fed, and its foolish policy of insisting on inflation in a deflationary world is largely to blame.


For discussion of that point, please see Decade of Negative Real Interest Rates: Who Benefited?